types of occupational classification in soci- ology group Relations, and the Social Science Research . The Psychology of Social Classes (Princeton: Prince -. for some (but not necessarily all) of their occupations and their social classes . Lists' workbook, available via a link from the Code-lists Used in Vital Events. This paper evaluates the relationships of social class position, occupational status, and occupational self-direction to job income in three modern industrial.
International comparisons based on prestige rankings are difficult because of differences in cultural preferences that make the scales incomparable Kunst and Mackenbach ; Berkman and Macintyre In addition, studies that have concentrated on more limited occupational groups within specific industries or employment settings such as the British army or the civil service in London have shown much larger differences in mortality between sub-groups than studies that cover the entire occupational spectrum see Lynch and Oelman ; Davey Smith, Shipley and Rose This could suggest that conventional measures of occupational status are imprecise, and fail to capture the considerable variation within occupational categories in education, income, and health risks Davey Smith and Egger Some analysts have speculated that the reason the occupational gradient was stronger in the civil service in London is because grade is such a precise measure of occupational status: In contrast, not everyone knows everyone else's occupation in society in general and there is probably less absolute consensus about the status ranking of census occupational categories as well as a fair bit of heterogeneity within occupational categories e.
These and other reasons might explain why occupational status is used less frequently than education and income as a measure of socioeconomic status in research in the United States.
An important practical reason for this less frequent usage is the necessity of first coding occupations into Census Occupation Codes. This is a major undertaking, the benefit of which researchers outside of Sociology may question. An alternative occupational status system used in health-related research is the Hollingshead Index.
The Hollingshead Index combines an ordinal ranking of seven occupational categories, ranging from higher executives of large concerns, proprietors, and major professionals 1 to unskilled employees 7 with a seven category ranking of educational categories ranging from professional degree, such as MA, MD, PhD 1 to less than seven years of schooling 7The occupational score is weighted by seven, the educational score weighted by four, and the two are added to create an overall score.
MacArthur SES & Health Network | Research
Individuals with scores totaling more than 64 are assigned to the lower occupational class, while those scoring 17 or less are assigned to the upper occupational class, and those falling between these scores are categorized as upper-middle, middle, or lower-middle on the occupational spectrum. British and European research frequently uses social class position to examine occupational status differentials Berkman and Macintyrebut this captures a slightly different concept that is discussed below.
Occupational health research focuses on physical aspects of the job environment, such as exposure to toxic substances, and their relation to poor health outcomes Slote ; and see Indicators of Work Environment: Physical Work in the Social Environment notebook for more detail. Occupational status, the focus of this chapter, has been central to sociological research, and measures the effects of both objective e. Measures of occupational status are based on several concepts: Prestige Occupational prestige is a measure that captures either a relationship of deference or derogation between role incumbents, or the general desirability or goodness of an occupation Siegel Social Class Measures of social class standing have been used as indicators of occupational status, including Wright's classification and the Erikson-Goldthorpe social class index.
Measures of social class differ from other measures of occupational status because they aim to capture the ongoing economic interactions between people, rather than identify the personal characteristics that determine an individual's position within a stable hierarchy. Since the goal is to identify power relationships, identifying an individual's social class position also requires the collection of information about supervisory or managerial activity and the size of the work establishment.
In Wright's typology, social class position is based on ownership of capital assets, control of organizational assets, and possession of skill or credential assets Wright ; Wright's early typology employed three primary classes within the capitalist system: Three kinds of power in capitalist systems relate to decisions about what is to be produced: The capitalist class tends to have more control over the means of production, while managers and technicians have more control over how things are produced, and the working class has the least control or power of any group.
Wright's later work has focused on the distribution of different types of assets, but still strongly distinguishes the owners of the means of production from non-owners, and managers and supervisors from others. And if so, are these differences due to national differences e. Education and rewards The majority of measures of occupational status, however, are based on some combination of the educational requirements and monetary rewards associated with the position.
Stevenson and based on a graded hierarchy of occupations ranked by skill, has long been used in British public health surveillance and research. The Duncan Socioeconomic Index SEIwhich dominates the research literature in the United States, is an amalgam of occupational prestige and census occupation score rankings.
SEI scores were originally constructed by Duncan using data from the census and the National Opinion Research Center prestige study, and have been updated several times since Duncan For example, in one commonly-used incarnation of the SEI, each U. Occupational categorization and the United States Census In the United States, the Census Bureau uses two detailed classification schemes for categorizing jobs according to occupation and industry of employment.
Both classification schemes consist of several hundred categories and are modified every ten years to take into account changes in the labor market that occur between decennial censuses. Occupational prestige and the SEI scoring systems are linked to the Census occupation codes; that is, each occupation code is assigned a prestige score and an SEI score and, therefore, all individuals in the same occupation are assigned the same scores.
These codes can be up to six digits. The measurement of social class in health studies: In Social Inequalities and Cancer, eds. Prestige standings of occupations as affected by gender. American Sociological Review, Cain, Pamela and Donald Treiman. Socioeconomic differences in mortality in Britain and the United States.
American Journal of Public Health The magnitude and causes of socio-economic differentials in mortality; further evidence from the Whitehall study. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health A socioeconomic index for all occupations.Social Mobility: Crash Course Sociology #26
Occupations and Social Status. Worker's perceptions of how jobs affect health: A social ecological perspective. Journal of Occupational Health Psychology 6 2: Prestige or socioeconomic scales in the study of occupational achievement? Sociological Methods and Research, 4: Occupational prestige in comparative perspective.
Occupational status in the 19th and 20th centuries. Socioeconomic indexes for occupations: Occupational prestige in the United States, American Journal of Sociology, Social class and mental illness. Occupational stress and health in the Tecumseh Community Health Study.
Journal of Health and Social Behavior, Occupational stress and health among factory workers. Occupational mobility and coronary heart disease. Archives of Internal Medicine, Stress, Productivity, and the Reconstruction of Working Life.
Job decision latitude, job demands, and cardiovascular disease: American Journal of Public Health, Occupational prestige in the collective conscience. Women and social class: The participants were municipal employees of the City of Helsinki aged 25—59 years in There were 21 women and men participants. Three socio-economic position measures were used, namely three-level education, four-level occupational class and gross individual income quartiles.
Main outcome measure was medically confirmed sickness absence spells of 4 days or longer. Inequality indices were calculated using Poisson regression analysis. High education, occupational class and individual income were all consistently associated with lower sickness absence rates among both women and men. After mutual adjustment, education and occupational class remained independent determinants of sickness absence. The association of individual income with sickness absence was practically explained by temporally preceding education and occupational class.
Our results indicate that education and occupational class—rather than income—are strong determinants of sickness absence.
Education, occupational class and income are complementary socio-economic position measures. To better inform sickness absence policy, future studies should aim to establish whether the observed socio-economic differences reflect broader differences in ill-health, lifestyle and working conditions.
Several studies have shown that key socio-economic position measures, namely education, occupational class and income are interrelated with each other and together shape self-rated health, chronic illness and mortality.
Income provides material resources and thus enables healthier decisions in everyday life. Different socio-economic position measures should not be understood as substitutes for each other but complementary indicators to be studied jointly, in order to understand their interrelationships.
Previous studies have shown that interrelationships exist between different socio-economic position measures and health. Thus the effects of one socio-economic position measure may mediate the effects of the other measures that are determined temporally earlier and explain other measures that are determined later.
Only few studies on health have considered the different socio-economic interrelationships. Research needs to assess the interrelationships and relative importance of different socio-economic position measures for various health outcomes.
According to studies from various European countries, new sickness absence spells show differences by education, occupational class and income. If all employees would be absent from work as seldom as professionals, higher educated and employees with higher income, the sickness absence levels would be much lower and the related costs only a fraction of the current costs.
If interrelationships between socio-economic position measures exist, it might be more effective to allocate resources to interventions in early phases of the development. Previous studies have not paid attention to such pathways between different socio-economic position measures and sickness absence. The specific aims of this study are: All permanent employees aged 25—59 years who were working full-time during the year were included in this study. Employees with part-time or secondary employment were excluded from the study.
The study group included 21 women and men. The registers include precise information of all employees and their employment periods and sickness absence spells on an accuracy of 1 day.
If an employee had more than one employment period duringinformation about education, occupational class and individual income and other determinants was gathered from the longest period.