Polled Opinion on Politics, Politicians and the Parties: an Historical Perspective *" to do with a decline in what the American political scientist Robert Putnam calls Australian and New Zealand Association for the Advancement of Science. Transcultural psychiatry, Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychology, 33( 1). Based on Scandinavian Political Studies, 30(2), p 27 Putnam, Robert ( ). 35 Professor Paul McHugh has said that increasingly relations between . Zealand. John Halligan Under the Westminster model, the relations between from traditional political-bureaucratic relationships in Australia and New Zealand. relationship has focused on the distribution of roles (Aberbach, Putnam and.
Moreover because the arrangements focussed on tariffs, it did not prohibit subsidies, and in any case an Australian exporting facing a zero tariff still might be unable to enter the New Zealand market because there was no accompanying import licence.
Out of this impatience grew CER, which was a much broader free trade approach. Whereas in the case of NAFT A there had been a positive list of what could be free traded, in the case of CER the list was of what could not, and from the beginning the negative list contained few items.
For New Zealand CER represented an acceptance — by the manufacturing sector in particular — that the future did not lie in supplying a local market, but that to survive they would have to seek larger, dynamic, markets overseas. That change of perception arose from the confidences of their export successes from the s, not least due to NAFTA.
Behind this was a change in the isolationist perception of New Zealand to a realization that New Zealand was a part of a larger world and an appreciation by an increasing proportion of New Zealanders of the benefits of international travel and the variety and quality of international goods and services. We must await a future Sinclair to document the change, but my impression is that between the s and the s New Zealanders became much more outgoing in international terms.
The same process was probably occurring in Australia, but except for a few stray manufacturers suffering from New Zealand import penetration under CER, which they saw as subsidised, there was little industry or popular interest in Australia. Lionel Bowen illustrated this when he recalled the lack of attention to CER in the Australian parliament.
There the official concerns were driven by another agenda, although one which had a parallel among New Zealand officials and their associates. In each case CER was seen as a step towards full trade liberalization. Both countries had a record of high and erratic protection towards manufactures, although not so much towards primary products.
This was seen to be inhibiting the world orientation of the economy. Strategists in both countries were arguing that they had to be more outward looking across all economic activity, and not just in the traditional export oriented industries.
If so, they argued, barriers to importing discouraged this orientation. There are numerous arguments to support this view, not all of which are convincing.
For such small countries, the effects of the barriers have as a bargaining tool in global trade negotiations is hardly compelling. There is an argument that the barriers raise costs to exporters, but in my view these costs are over-estimated in quantitative terms, although the quality issues may be underestimated. The real disadvantage of the cosy environment behind trade barriers is that it discourages quality of service, of responding to buyer choice, of seeking new innovations.
Australia–New Zealand relations - Wikipedia
In short, protection encourages an economic culture and responsiveness which is antipathetic to the business climate which an outward oriented economy requires. Both countries had experienced the howls of protest from proposals to unilaterally reduce the barriers. So the strategists saw CER as a means of reducing some of the barriers, with the aim of shifting attitudes to a more open economy.
On both sides there was an understanding that free trade areas can be inefficient, if the trade diversion effects outweighed the trade creation effects — if New Zealand ended up importing expensive Australian products instead of Asian ones which would be cheaper but for the tariff. This is not to deny there has been significant gains from the trans-Tasman trade and rationalization.
Australia–New Zealand relations
Rather than measure the success just by this, we should note how quickly other trade barriers have been reduced. Compared to a decade ago, New Zealand now has virtually no import licences, and the tariff profile is looking increasingly typical for an OECD country. As its March tariff reform package indicates, Australia is cutting its general tariff even further.
Within both countries the protection debate is generally about the speed at, and circumstances with, which the barriers should be reduced, not whether there should be any change.
Mature Trade The outcome of these changes — the trade negotiations and the underlying economic, political, and social processes — is evident enough in Table 1. In recent years each country is exporting more to, and importing more from, the other. However the tabulations do not capture the changing composition of the trade flows, and the maturation of the relationship.
New Zealand Australia Measured by Grubel-Lloyd Index. What can we say about the decline in the Morgan series itself? The first thing to say is that if the standing of politicians for ethics and honesty was some 40 percent lower at the end of the century than it had been 25 years earlier, the fall had not come off a very high base; a 40 percent decline, from say 75 percent to 45 percent would have been rather more dramatic than a decline of similar proportions from 21 percent to 12 percent for state MPs or from 19 percent to 11 percent for federal MPs.
Second, a decline in ethical standing did not affect MPs alone. While not pace Young  part of a general decline in the ethical standing of occupations—the standing of doctors, for example, of school-teachers and of union leaders actually enjoyed a modest rise—MPs did have something in common as Figure 1 makes clear with bank managers, lawyers and journalists.
The rating of bank managers dropped by nearly two-thirds from 66 percent to 26 percent ; lawyers slid to much the same level 29 percent but from a much more modest base 43 percent ; while the standing of newspaper journalists slipped from 12 percent to 7 percent—a decline which, in proportionate terms, matched that of politicians.
What the common factors might have been is quite unclear: However, some of the factors that go towards explaining the decline in the standing of politicians are sure to be sui generis. The televising of the federal Parliament from —more precisely, the inclusion in television news bulletins of excerpts from Question Time—is a possible cause; and although state parliaments have not been televised, there is nothing in the data to say that politicians at both levels might not have been tarred by the same brush.
In the Olympicsthe Festival of Empire and the Olympics the two countries were represented at least in sporting competition as the unified entity " Australasia ". Both continued to co-operate politically in the 20th century as each sought closer relations with the United Kingdom, particularly in the area of trade.
This was helped by the development of refrigerated shippingwhich allowed New Zealand in particular to base its economy on the export of meat and dairy — both of which Australia had in abundance — to Britain. The two nations sealed the Canberra Pact in January for the purpose of successfully prosecuting war against the Axis Powers in World War II and providing for the administration of an armistice and territorial trusteeship in its aftermath. The Agreement foreshadowed the establishment of a permanent Australia—New Zealand Secretariat, it provided for consultation in matters of common interest, it provided for the maintenance of separate military commands and for "the maximum degree of unity in the presentation This was partially a result of Britain joining the European Economic Community in the early s, thus restricting the access of both countries to their biggest export market.
The expedition was sent by Governor Bourke from Sydney and was subsequently criticised for use of excessive force by a British House of Commons report in Promised settlement on confiscated land, more than Australians were recruited.
Other Australians became scouts in the Company of Forest Rangers. Independent of the sense of Empire or Commonwealthboth nations in the second half of the twentieth century otherwise provided contingents in support of United States strategic aims in the Korean WarVietnam Warand Gulf War.
Together Australia and New Zealand saw their first major military action in the Battle of Gallipoliin which both suffered major casualties. For many decades the battle was seen by both countries as the moment at which they came of age as nations.