Austria–Serbia relations - Wikipedia
Be careful what you wish for, you just might get it. That adage applies to governments as well as to people. A case in point is the ultimatum that. pathize with their brother Serbs and Croats in Austria-Hungary. The expedition .. nothing of the Prussian officer about them in their relations to the men they. Austria–Serbia relations Austrian-Serbian relations are foreign relations Hungarian suppression of Serbian revolts during the Revolutions were not .
Most were Serbian, or one might say Orthodox, but one was a Bosnian Muslim: None of the plotters was older than Their anger over conditions in Bosnia seems directed simply at the visible authorities.
The assassins were not advanced political thinkers: From statements at their trial, the killing seems to have been a symbolic act of protest. A closer look at the victims also supports this view: Assassination attempts were not unusual in Bosnia. Some of the plotters originally planned to kill Governor Potiorek, and only switched to the royal couple at the last minute.
Franz Ferdinand had limited political influence. He was Emperor Franz Joseph's nephew, and became the heir when Franz Joseph's son killed himself in his sisters could not take the throne. Franz Ferdinand's wife, Sophie Chotek, was a Bohemian noblewoman, but not noble enough to be royal. She was scorned by many at court, and their children were out of the line of succession Franz Ferdinand's brother Otto was next.
Franz Ferdinand had strong opinions, a sharp tongue and many political enemies. He favored "trialism," adding a third Slavic component to the Dual Monarchy, in part to reduce the influence of the Hungarians. His relations with Budapest were so bad that gossips blamed the killing on Magyar politicians. There have been efforts to say that Serbian politicians had him killed to block his pro-Slav reform plans, but the evidence for this is thin.
Who was involved within Serbia, and why? The planning was secret, and most of the participants died without making reliable statements. Student groups like Mlada Bosna were capable of hatching murder plots on their own.
During several of the eventual participants talked about murdering General Oskar Potiorek, the provincial Governor or even Emperor Franz Joseph. Once identified as would-be assassins, however, the Bosnian students seem to have been directed toward Franz Ferdinand by Dimitrijevic-Apis, by now a colonel in charge of Serbian intelligence. Princip returned from a trip to Belgrade early in with a plan to kill Franz Ferdinand, contacts in the Black Hand who later supplied the guns and bombs, and information about the planned June visit by the heir, which Princip would not have known without a leak or tip from within Serbian intelligence.
InApis took credit for planning the killing, but his motives can be questioned: In fact, the Radical Party and the king were afraid of Apis and had him shot. Those who believe Apis was at work point to "trialism" as his motive. Apis is supposed to have seen the heir as the only man capable of reviving Austria-Hungary. If Franz Ferdinand had reorganized the Habsburg Empire on a trialist basis, satisfying the Habsburg South Slavs, Serbian hopes to expand into Bosnia and Croatia would have been blocked.
In early JuneApis is said to have decided to give guns and bombs to Princip and his accomplices, and arranged to get the students back over the border into Bosnia without passing through the border checkpoints.
Pasic and the state While Apis may or may not have been guilty of planning the murder, the murder did not necessarily mean war. There was no irresistable outburst of popular anger after the assassination: Austria-Hungary did not take revenge in hot blood, but waited almost two months. When the Habsburg state did react against Serbia, it was in a calculated manner as we will see in a moment.
- Primary Menu
For now, suffice it to say that the Austrians chose to blame the Pasic government for the crime. How culpable was the Serbian regime?
Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia - HISTORY
There is no evidence to suggest that Pasic planned the crime. It is unlikely that the Black Hand officers were acting on behalf of the government, because the military and the Radical Party in fact were engaged in a bitter competition to control the state. After the Balkan Wars, both military and civilian figures claimed the right to administer the newly liberated lands the so-called Priority Question.
AfterPasic knew that Apis' clique would kill to get their way. Pasic's responsibility revolves around reports that he was warned of the intended crime, and took inadequate steps to warn Austrian authorities. Despite Pasic's denials, there is substantial testimony that someone alerted him to the plot, and that Pasic ordered the Serbian ambassador in Vienna to tell the Austrians that an attempt would be made on the life of the heir during his visit to Bosnia.
However, when the Serbian ambassador passed on the warning, he appears to have been too discreet. Instead of saying that he knew of an actual plot, he spoke in terms of a hypothetical assassination attempt, and suggested that a state visit by Franz Ferdinand on the day of Kosovo June 28 was too provocative. Austrian diplomats failed to read between the lines of this vague comment.
By the time the warning reached the Habsburg joint finance minister the man in charge of Bosnian affairs any sense of urgency had been lost, and he did nothing to increase security or cancel the heir's planned visit. After the murders, the Serbian government was even more reluctant to compromise itself by admitting any prior knowledge, hence Pasic's later denials. If we agree that the Pasic government did not plan the killings, what can we say about their response to the crisis that followed?
War in was not inevitable: Blame in Austria-Hungary Before we can answer that question, we must look at the official Austrian reaction to the killing. This took two forms. First, the police and the courts undertook a wide-ranging series of arrests and investigations.
Hundreds of people were arrested or questioned, sometimes violently.
Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia
Twenty-five people were finally tried and convicted, though only a few were executed, because so many of the defendants were minors. Second, the Austrian foreign ministry and the emperor's closest advisors considered what to do about Serbia's role in the plot. Investigators quickly learned that the murder weapons came from Serbian sources, but Austrian intelligence failed to distinguish between the roles of the Pasic administration and the unofficial nationalist groups: Austria's blame for the war attaches to its calculated response to the murders.
Early councils were divided. The chief of staff, General Franz Baron Conrad von Hoetzendorf, wanted a military response from the beginning. Conrad had previously argued that the Monarchy was surrounded by enemies who needed to be defeated individually, before they could combine.
In other words, he wanted a war against the Serbs and Russians, followed later by a confrontation with Italy. Leopold Count von Berchtold, the Habsburg foreign minister, generally agreed with Conrad's analysis. Berchtold took no strong position in the crisis: The only real opposition to a policy of confrontation and war came from the Hungarian Prime Minister, Count Stephan Tisza.
Tisza was personally opposed to militarism and took the risks of war more seriously than Conrad. Also, as a Magyar, Tisza realized that a Habsburg victory would be a domestic defeat for Hungarians: Either the Slavic population of Hungary would increase, leaving the Magyars as a minority in their own country, or trialism would replace the dualist system, again discounting Magyar influence. The early Austrian deliberations included another, calculated element that shows their limited interest in peace: The Austrian ambassador in Berlin found that the Germans, especially Kaiser Wilhelm, supported a war to punish Serbia and offered their full support.
This was in clear contrast to events during the Balkan War ofwhen Berlin refused to back Vienna in any intervention. Like the Austrians, the Germans feared a future war with Russia, and preferred to fight soon, before their enemies grew stronger.
When the Austrian Council of Ministers met again on July 7, the majority favored war. To satisfy Tisza, the council agreed to present demands to Serbia, rather than declare war at once. The Greater Serbia movement called for the reclamation of Serbian territory from the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires.
Pan-Slavism called for the liberation of millions of Slavs still trapped under Austrian rule. Some even believed Serbia should form the nucleus of a future Yugoslavia, a single nation for all the Slavic peoples of southern Europe.
The changes in Serbia presented several problems for Austria-Hungary. The Dual Monarchy was used to setting policy in Serbia but this situation came under threat in the first years of the s. After two decades as an Austro-Hungarian satellite, Serbia to trade freely and with whomever it chose. This angered Austrian ministers, who in initiated trade sanctions, banning future purchases of Serbian pork one of its main exports.
With economic independence from Austria-Hungary came a mood for greater political independence. Serbian nationalism intensified and calls for Slavic liberation and unity increased.
The formal annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina [in ] was intended to extinguish such hopes and to force Serbia to accept a permanently landlocked and semi-dependent status.
The Balkan provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina were nominally part of the Ottoman Empire but under the de facto control of Austria. In October Vienna moved to absorb them into the empire, announcing the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This move outraged Serbia, who saw the annexation as both an expansion of Austrian power and a threat to Slavic independence in the Balkans.
Serbia mobilised its military in response to the annexation, however, they later backed down after failing to secure Russian backing. The Treaties of London and Bucharest saw Serbia gain a considerable amount of territory and people, almost doubling in size from 48, to 87, square kilometres and growing by 1.
This expansion made Serbia one of the largest states in southern Europe, as well as the most militarily powerful nation in the Balkans. Pasic, the Serbian prime Minister, declared: Now for the second round - against Austria.
The Italian Prime Minister in cited this fact to claim that: In fact, the Austrian Chief of Staff General Hotzendorf had asked for a 'surprise' war to destroy Serbia more than 25 times in the eight years after Franz Ferdinand was assassinated by Bosnians - inhabitants of the Austro-Hungarian Empire - so the Austrian government strangely judged that it did not have justification to attack Serbia straight away. Instead, it sent an ultimatum to the Serbs on the grounds that it had not kept its promise of to suppress the Black Hand.
The terms of the Ultimatum demanded that the Serb government: Stop all publications attacking Austria, 2. Suppress the Black Hand and all other anti-Austrian terrorist groups, 3.